While America and Europe battle the social implications of illegal immigration, China faces massive internal movement of people from the countryside to the urban centers. Newsweek International reports in its August 8 issue:
According to China's State Statistics Bureau, the nation lost 8.6 million hectares of farmland between 1986 and 2003—and the speed at which land is being devoured by new roads, factories and reservoirs is stunning.
In 2003, the latest period with available figures, China's cropland shrank by 2 percent. As the land goes, so go the farmers: Wang Chunguang, a Chinese government sociologist, estimates that 50 million farmers have lost their land to development in the past decade, a number he expects to rise to more than 100 million in the next decade.
In addition, the Communist Party expects the migration of between 30 million and 40 million Chinese over the next decade as a result of "depleted or degraded [natural] resources" due to pollution and desertification. Nearly all will move to cities.
Together with 120 million short-term migrants, this population upheaval is creating a social problem that, until now, China's leaders had managed to prevent—urban slums and rural shantytowns.
"Five years ago slums were not visible in Beijing," says Jing Jun, a sociologist at Beijing's Qinghua University. "But now they are everywhere." Beijing's biggest, located just west of Qinghua, he says, covers seven square kilometers.
Like impoverished areas around the world—from Rio de Janeiro to Mumbai—China's emerging slums and shantytowns fuel the spread of crime, disease and dissent. All of which threatens to fracture Chinese society and hamper the country's rapid economic growth.
Since the Communist Party took control of China in 1949, its leaders have managed the gargantuan population with strong-arm tactics. Citizens are issued identity cards at birth that tie them to their home locality.
Until two years ago Beijing police made frequent sweeps to round up illegal migrants, who were sent back to their hometowns with one-way tickets and orders to stay put. Without local-residence cards, migrants were cut off from social services like schools, welfare and local job markets.
But now the central government is encouraging migration, to consolidate the country's agricultural sector and to help relieve rural poverty. The shifting priorities have sparked new urban policies. Although almost all of Beijing's migrants work under the table, in 2003 the government opened public schools to migrant children for the first time.
The government has also scrapped a decades-old vagrancy law that had allowed police to detain and expel anyone without proper residence permits. Without the law, Chinese police can no longer force migrants to leave cities.
Migration is driven mainly by dreams of a better life. The income gap between farmers and urban manufacturing workers has been widening steadily. The average annual rural income in China is $317—about 10 percent of Beijing's officially reported $2,900.
In the past most migrants left their spouses and children at home, to tend the fields while they labored in the cities. But having sold or lost their property, many now bring their families with them. The problem is, the loss of rural farmland is eliminating the migrants' traditional safety net—the freedom to return to the land if their city lives turn bad.
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